at creating a strong, rich and powerful state under ..

Xunzi (310-220 BCE) and Mencius (373-288 BCE) collaborated to create the ideology of Legalism.
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Guan Zhong: First Chinese Legalist and State Philosopher

Overfield mentions, “In conforming to the principles of Legalism, the Qin Regime was ruthless and brutal in drive for complete centralization of authority.

With respect to the prior statement a realization that Legalism, rather than Confucianism, is the more oppressive system can be concluded....
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creating an autocratic dynastic state mitigated by ..

As a public defiance of the past, this fundamental believe in a changing world clearly draw the boarder between the Legalists and other schools headed by Confucianism, which was confirmed by Han Fei: “it is obvious that humaneness cannot be used to achieve order in the state” (102).

There are no aspects of Legalism that I want to be in my life and there are no aspects that are already incorporated in my life.
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The Musin Rebellion had its roots in the factional conflicts surrounding Yŏngjo's troubled succession to the throne. Jackson analyzes an aspect of the conflict previously neglected by researchers, namely the rebels managed to create an armed rebellion. He argues that the rebellion should be understood in the context of other attempts on power by factional members that occurred over a hundred-year period leading up to 1728. By exploring the political and military context of the event, the book demonstrates that the Musin Rebellion was not driven by systemic breakdown, regionalism, or ideology, but was a failed attempt by political players to take control of the court. Central to the eruption of violence in 1728 was the intervention of key rebel plotters, several of whom were serving officials with access to state military resources. The book provides an in-depth view of factional politics in the Chosŏn court, and the final section deals with the rebel legacy, bringing to the fore issues about managing, forming, and directing the historical memory of the rebellion.

The Jin state was a major state that fell apart, creating the states of Zhao, Wei and Han
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China: The Formative Centuries

In practice, they openly advocate war as a means of state expansion and transforming people into more submissive and loyal or inversely, a way for its people to server the state; they conceive a political structure where all government apparatus and social institutions reside under an absolute monarch, who has the ultimate power and set his foundation in an elaborately self-contained, austerely impartial and severely coercive legal machinery; the state would also find no existence of the earlier schools of thoughts if not their total annihilation; loyalty to their emperor and “weakened” minds among people would prevail, bringing about social stability enabling intensive and efficient farming.

Confucius’ dark legacy – The Cult of Confucius


Shang Yang once claimed: “a wise man creates laws, but a foolish man is controlled by them; a man of talent reforms rites, but a worthless man is enslaved by them…” (171) and “a weak people means a strong state and a strong state means a weak people.” (303) At this juncture, the Legalists proposed two ideas: to introduce an elaborate, impartial and coercive legal system, and to weaken and simplify the people of the state.

Jul 16, 2014 · I wouldn’t say useless

The Legalists put the state and its interests ahead of all human and moral concerns and look upon human beings as having no worth apart from their possible use of states.

Book Review: The Wingfeather Saga – Writing Like Crazy

provides the first comprehensive account in English of the Musin Rebellion, an attempt to overthrow King Yŏngjo (1694–1776; r. 1724–1776), and the largest rebellion of eighteenth-century Korea. The rebellion proved unsuccessful, but during three weeks of fighting the government lost control of over a dozen county seats and the rebels drew popular support from the inhabitants of three southern provinces. The revolt profoundly unsettled the early years of Yŏngjo's reign and had considerable influence on the subsequent course of factionalism. In this keenly reasoned study, Andrew David Jackson investigates the causes, development, suppression, legacy, and significance of the bloody Musin Rebellion.
The Musin Rebellion had its roots in the factional conflicts surrounding Yŏngjo's troubled succession to the throne. Jackson analyzes an aspect of the conflict previously neglected by researchers, namely the rebels managed to create an armed rebellion. He argues that the rebellion should be understood in the context of other attempts on power by factional members that occurred over a hundred-year period leading up to 1728. By exploring the political and military context of the event, the book demonstrates that the Musin Rebellion was not driven by systemic breakdown, regionalism, or ideology, but was a failed attempt by political players to take control of the court. Central to the eruption of violence in 1728 was the intervention of key rebel plotters, several of whom were serving officials with access to state military resources. The book provides an in-depth view of factional politics in the Chosŏn court, and the final section deals with the rebel legacy, bringing to the fore issues about managing, forming, and directing the historical memory of the rebellion.